Iran’s high speed catamaran, Shahid Nazeri, deploys near the Strait of Hormuz

Satellite imagery shows Iran’s high speed catamaran, Shahid Nazeri, at Bandar Abbas, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp Navy (IRGCN) First Region naval base.

DG (04FEB17) Shahid Nazeri in Bandar Abbas

DG (04FEB17) Shahid Nazeri in Bandar Abbas

The IRGCN deployed the Shahid Nazeri to an operational naval base and what could be the vessel’s home port, a review of imagery suggests. The vessel has been berthed at the naval arm’s First Region HQ for the last three months.

We first caught glimpse of the boat as it arrived at Bandar Abbas near the start of Velayat 95. Given our observations, we currently don’t believe it participated in the recent military exercise. By late February, the participants departed for their respective operational areas but the catamaran remained in its berthing position. However, ongoing monitoring suggests the boat makes brief stints into nearby waters.

In mid-April, the high speed vessel was still at the naval base berthed near two recently added piers, according to Planet imagery. The piers will probably support additional fast attack craft as Iran moves further personnel to the naval region. Construction on new support structures has been ongoing at the base since 2012.

As a side note, we tracked many of Iran’s sub-surface platforms as they made their way to forward positions for Velayat 95. At least ten of Iran’s Ghadir coastal submarines were berthed at Jask near the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz, a deployment that also included Iran’s first indigenously developed submarine, the Nahang. This is the first time in years the Nahang has been observed on a deployment. Handhelds suggest the operations from Jask were supported with drone overwatch.

Iran’s two Kilo, which likely departed Bandar Abbas with the smaller coastal subs, were not located on imagery during the exercise. In 2016, however, we did note a Kilo deployment to Konarak, part of the Gulf of Oman’s Makran coast and an important area of future Iranian naval planning. As for Iran’s third Kilo, it remained at Bandar Abbas undergoing routine maintenance in the dry dock.

Shahid Nazeri

Shahid Nazeri

Iran’s Shahid Nazeri was initially unveiled back in September 2016 at a Bushehr-based shipyard. Local reports suggest the vessel can carry 100 passengers and a helicopter, cruise at 28 knots and operate at a range of 10,000 km. Iran emphasizes its use for long range deployments but plans to build a larger and more capable variant for special operations in international waters.

As with previous vessels, Iran continues to communicate its intent to establish itself further as a regional power and move operations beyond the confines of the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s most recent statements suggest it’s building additional naval facilities on the Makran coast and wishes to establish bases in Syria and Yemen. A high-speed catamaran-like vessel could be useful in both regards. Assuming this is a technology demonstrator, watching the new vessel’s movements may provide insight as to how Iran may use an upgraded variant.

In the meantime, we continue to watch Iran’s indigenous production of defense equipment with interest. Until sanctions are removed in 2020 — when Iran can acquire foreign equipment — we expect to see further developments.

An excerpt of Iran’s most recent “Return to the Sea” movements:

May 2013
Iran’s Navy docked at China’s Zhangjiagang (FARS)
Dec 2013
The Alborz, Bandar Abbas and Younus submarine visit Mumbai, India and Colombo, Sri Lanka for the first time (FARS)
May 2014
Iran sends warships to Port of Sudan (Sudan Tribune)
Jan 2016
Iran sends the Alvand to participate in naval drills near Vizag (FARS)
Sept 2016
Iranian vessels arrive in Karachi for three day port visit (Tribune)
Nov 2016
Iran sends Bushehr and Alvand to round South Africa to enter the Atlantic Ocean for the first time; (Imagery confirms that they had to return to Durban for repairs; the Bushehr was in the dry dock in December and had departed by 24JAN17).
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Strategic Spillover: The Emirates in Africa

by Paul Pryce. With degrees in political science from both sides of the pond, Paul Pryce has previously worked as Senior Research Fellow for the Atlantic Council of Canada’s Canadian Armed Forces program, as a Research Fellow for the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, and as an Associate Fellow at the Latvian Institute of International Affairs. He has also served as an infantryman in the Canadian Forces.

The Union Defence Force (UDF), which is charged with defending the United Arab Emirates (UAE), is becoming increasingly expeditionary. Historically, the UAE has actively participated in numerous multilateral operations. During the original Gulf War, several hundred Emirati soldiers aided in seizing Kuwait City from Iraqi forces in 1991. Further afield, Emirati combat aircraft took part in Operation Unified Protector, the NATO-led enforcement of a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace in 2011. However, these were generally limited-term deployments, intended to respond to specific threats.

UDF's military build up at at Assab, Eritrea.

UDF’s military build up at at Assab, Eritrea (see here for more).

Since the start of 2016, the UDF has significantly extended its reach. Satellite imagery indicates that the UDF has established an airbase at Al Khadim Airport, approximately 100 kilometres from Benghazi, Libya. From this base, the UAE will be able to step up its airstrikes in support of the Libyan National Army. In September 2016, the Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries and other rebel groups reported coming under attack from armed UAE Air Tractor 802s. Meanwhile, it seems the UAE has also established a military presence in Eritrea, as further satellite imagery from October 2016 shows nine UAE Dassault Mirage-2000’s stationed at Assab Airport. This follows rumours that the UAE could also be building a naval base in Eritrea very close to Assab Airport, the first permanent Emirati military base in a foreign country.

Although the prospect of the UAE establishing a foothold in East Africa may excite those who study the power plays of those countries carving out a presence there, it is important to note that the Emirates’ main strategic consideration is the ongoing war in Yemen. The extended reach of the UAE is not an expression of broader geopolitical ambition but has everything to do with rivalries on the Arabian Peninsula. Following the Iranian-backed coup in Yemen, the UAE participated in Saudi Arabia’s Operation Decisive Storm, deploying 30 combat aircraft to strike Houthi rebel positions.

Although Emirati officials claimed that the UAE’s military involvement in Yemen ended in June 2016, it is increasingly apparent that this is not the case. The UAE continues to participate in the Saudi-led naval blockade of Yemen, and a UAE-operated HSV-2 Swift logistics catamaran was destroyed by Houthi rebels in October 2016 while transiting the Bab al-Mandab strait. The airbase and naval base in Eritrea demonstrates that the UAE has no intention of reducing its involvement in the Yemeni conflict; rather, it is committed to stepping up its participation.

The HSV-2 Swift logistics catamaran attacked by Houthis was hit by a C-802 missile. It was later towed to the port of Assab.

The HSV-2 Swift logistics catamaran attacked by Houthis was hit by a C-802 missile. It was later towed to the port of Assab.

Ultimately, the UAE itself is under virtually no threat from the Houthi rebels and has no territory adjacent to Yemen. But UAE officials most certainly see their homeland as under threat from Iran, which has afforded considerable support to the insurgency the UAE is fighting in Yemen. For example, in a speech delivered by the UAE Ambassador to the United States at a January 2016 event organized by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Ambassador Yousef Al Otaiba called Iranian influence in the Middle East “…even more destabilizing than ISIS [the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham]”.

The UAE has also long held a resentment against Iran, which pre-dates the Islamic Republic, for its perceived violation of the Emirates’ territorial integrity. In 1971, following the UAE’s independence from the British Empire, Iranian forces moved quickly to seize the islands of Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs. This collection of islands in the Strait of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf has changed in hands several times, but has since remained under Iranian occupation. Iran has consistently refused to comply with UAE requests to refer the territorial dispute to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), only serving to deepen the atmosphere of mutual suspicion between the two countries.

It is this anxiety as to Iran’s long-term strategic ambitions that motivate the UAE to ramp up its expeditionary capabilities with deployments to Libya and Eritrea. After all, from the Emirati perspective, what is there to prevent Iran from taking more than just Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs? After all, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has been accused of employing hybrid warfare to deepen the internal strife in nearby Bahrain. Unless sufficient pressure can be placed on the Houthis in Yemen, so the Emirati narrative goes, Iran may be emboldened to foment revolution in Bahrain or the UAE itself. Whether Iran or any IRGC elements aspire toward this is another matter entirely, but this fear on the part of Emirati officials explains the activities at Abbas and Al Khadim, and it should afford insight into deeper engagement by the UAE with American-led security institutions in the near future.

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Operation Atlantic Resolve: Back to Europe

by Louis Martin-Vézian of CIGeography (Facebook / Twitter).

Back in Europe! US soldiers march with their flag during a welcome of the US Armys 3rd Armored Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division for the inauguration of a bilateral military training of US and Polish Forces in support of the Atlantic Resolve operation in Zagan, Poland on January 30, 2017 (Photo: Natalia Dobryszycka / AFP / Getty Image).

Back in Europe! US soldiers march with their flag during a welcome of the US Armys 3rd Armored Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division for the inauguration of a bilateral military training of US and Polish Forces in support of the Atlantic Resolve operation in Zagan, Poland on January 30, 2017 (Photo: Natalia Dobryszycka / AFP / Getty Image).

Due to the stable situation in Europe, the new strategic direction of the Obama administration towards the East Asian-Pacific region (Pivot to East Asia) and the increasing austerity measures in the US military, the V Corps was disbanded in 2012 and two Armored Brigade Combat Teams (ABCT) with more than 10,000 troops were withdrawn from Europe. As a result, a significant capability gap formed in the armoured forces in Europe. After the withdrawal until the beginning of this year, there were just a maximum of 64,000 US soldiers on the European continent – a historic record low. (Dakota L. Wood, “2017 Index of U.S. Military Strength“, The Heritage Foundation, 2016: 80f, 164; Andrew Feickert, “Army Drawdown and Restructuring: Background and Issues for Congress“, Congressional Research Service, February 28, 2014: 5).

The annexation of Crimea by Russia in spring 2014 and the war in eastern Ukraine resulted in the fact that the Obama administration was compelled to rethink the situation and ultimately led to the European Reassurance Initiative (ERI), which includes Operation Atlantic Resolve. The aim of ERI is to expand the US presence in Europe again, whereby Operation Atlantic Resolve will particularly increase US troop presence in the eastern European countries through a rotation of an ABCT. Originally limited to the year 2015, the ERI evolves into a new long-term US commitment in Europe. The provided financial resources increased from one billion US dollars in 2015 to an impressive 3.4 billion US dollars for 2017. Almost 2/3 of this budget flows into the maintenance and expansion of stationed equipment (tanks, artillery, ammunition, etc.) in western Europe, which can, if necessary, be transferred to eastern European countries. Furthermore, 28 joint-multinational exercises are planned under the auspices of the ERI for 2017 which, taken together, will encompass 18,000 US troops and 45,000 NATO and PfP Partners, for a total of 40 countries. (U.S. European Command Public Affairs Office, “European Reassurance Initiative (ERI) Fact Sheet“, January 5, 2017; Mark F. Cancian and Lisa Sawyer Samp, “The European Reassurance Initiative“, Center for Strategic and International Studies, February 9, 2016).

Because of the NATO-Russia Founding Act, the United States has renounced a permanent stationing of its forces in eastern Europe and therefore uses rotation, which takes place in a cycle of nine months. This began with the 3rd ABCT of the 4th Infantry Division from Fort Carson, Colorado, which arrived in Bremerhaven, Germany in January this year. The group includes among other things, approximately 3,500 soldiers, 87 tanks, 18 M-109A6 “Paladin” howitzers, 419 HMMWVs and 144 Bradley Fighting Vehicles. This is the largest transfer of armoured vehicles from the US to Europe since the end of the Cold War. Parts of the 4th Infantry Division command is stationed in Baumholder, Germany and the units of the 3rd ABCT was deployed from the beginning of February to Poland at sites in various Eastern European countries (US Army Europe Public Affairs Office, “Atlantic Resolve Fact Sheet“, 4 January 2017). Also in February, the 10th Combat Aviation Brigade from Fort Drum, New York, including an aviation battalion from Fort Bliss in New Mexico and Texas featuring a total of around 10 Chinooks, 50 Blackhawks, 24 Apaches and 2200 soldiers was moved to Illesheim, Germany. Some of these helicopters are being integrated in task forces in Lithuania, Romania and Poland.

3/4 Armored Brigade Combat Team: A Strong Footprint in Europe (click on the preview-images to get the high-resolution version (1920×13221; approx. 4.7 Mb))

3/4 Armored Brigade Combat Team: A Strong Footprint in Europe (click on the preview-images to get the high-resolution version (1920×13221; approx. 4.7 Mb))

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Is Cairo cosying up to Moscow?

by Paul Iddon

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s rise to power was not warmly welcomed by Washington. The ex-army chief had deposed his predecessor, Mohammad Morsi, in July 2013 leading to a series of bloody crackdowns during that summer. US military aid to Cairo was frozen for almost a year after that coup. Also, after almost two years after the coup Washington decided to lift its freeze on a supply of military hardware in March 2015.

Al-Sisi positively glows with happiness as Putin presents him his gift during his visit in Cairo in February 2015: a Kalashnikov.

Al-Sisi positively glows with happiness as Putin presents him his gift during his visit in Cairo in February 2015: a Kalashnikov.

Russia, on the other hand, was more welcoming to Sisi’s ascent to power. Since Sisi became president in May 2014 Russian President Vladimir Putin has visited his country and Cairo and Moscow held joint naval exercises together in the Mediterranean Sea off Egypt’s Alexandria coast, the first exercise between the two in about four decades.

Given legal, and of course moral, concerns in Washington over the Sisi regime’s human rights record, Cairo may have reasoned it could not solely rely on it to keep its enormous American-equipped military supplied with weapons. Perhaps consequently Egypt has since purchased two dozen Dassault Rafale jet fighters and two Mistral amphibious assault ship, capable of carrying helicopters and tanks, from France.

The first eight of the twenty ordered F-16C / D Block 52, which reached Egypt at the end of July 2015.

The first eight of the twenty ordered F-16C / D Block 52, which reached Egypt at the end of July 2015.

No such arms deals have been made with the Russians, although there were reports that Cairo is purchasing approximately 50 MiG-29s in a $2 billion deal which, according to the Russian press, is still on track. If fulfilled, this deal would be the largest sale of MiG-29s undertaken by Moscow since the fall of the Soviet Union.

When Sisi inaugurated the New Suez Canal project – the addition of another canal built to facilitate two-way shipping traffic – Moscow gifted Cairo a Molniya R-32 missile corvette. The Egyptian Army said, in a statement, that the gesture “comes as continuation of the Russian supporting stance towards Egypt in the recent period, and to the uniformity of vision between the political leadership of both countries regarding the war on terrorism and supporting efforts of security and stability in the Middle East.”

The corvette participated in the inauguration, that also featured a flyover which notably included Egypt’s newly delivered Rafales.

It remains unclear how far Cairo and Moscow’s cordial relationship will evolve over time, or if it will significantly affect Cairo’s long-standing four-decade-old military relationship with Washington. “In general, the relationship between Russia and Egypt is significant more in terms of its symbolic nature on the world stage, rather than in terms of actual arms sales,” Dr. H.A. Hellyer, a nonresident senior at the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East told Offiziere. “The Egyptian armed forces are generally more intertwined with Western gear and equipment,” he added. “Politically, there is a lot of cooperation between Moscow and Cairo – but not at the expense of losing relationships with Cairo’s more traditional Western allies.”

Egyptian's one and only Molniya R-32 missile corvette, gifted by Russia at the inaugurated the New Suez Canal project in August 2015.

Egyptian’s one and only Molniya R-32 missile corvette, gifted by Russia at the inaugurated the New Suez Canal project in August 2015.

Even the billions of dollars Cairo spent on equipment from France pales in comparison to the 238 F-16s that make-up the backbone of Egypt’s Air Force, along with the workhorse of the Egyptian Army, the 1’360 M1 Abrams; and of course Egypt’s 45 AH-64 Apache helicopter gunships (all numbers by “Chapter Seven: Middle East and North Africa”, The Military Balance 117 (2017): 372, 374).

“The increasing contacts between Russia and Egypt are driven by mutual desire to diversify relations,” Timur Akhmetov (FacebookTwitterLinkedIn), an analyst on Russia’s Middle East foreign policy, told Offiziere. “Egypt seeks new partners, especially in the military cooperation, and tries to minimize its dependence on the Gulf monarchies that sponsor the regime. Nevertheless it is the Western countries that are seen by Cairo as a desirable partner, not Russia or Gulf states.”

Saudi Arabia was a major patron of the Sisi regime. However, Cairo’s unwillingness to toe their line on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s future – the Saudis want him gone while Sisi seems to see him as a bulwark against terrorist groups in the region – resulted in Riyadh suddenly severing oil supplies to Cairo indefinitely last November, underscoring how Sisi’s economic and military patrons seek to influence its policy, both foreign and domestic.

“Russia is just making use of Egypt’s attempts to increase number of partners and offers closer political cooperation and military contracts: two major areas where Egypt is left alone by the West,” Akhmetov added. “First of all, Russian is interested in selling of its main article of export, arms, to Egypt, who is waging a war with terrorism. Secondly, Russia has not been much critical of Sisi’s authoritarian practices, signaling that it is ready not to politicize its ties with Egypt. In the short term, Moscow seeks to create a coalition of regional regimes that are more open to the idea that Syria’s Assad should stay in power and political settlement should be implemented on the Russian terms. In the long run Moscow wants to secure its positions in the Middle East by establishing cooperative relations with major players, including Egypt”, Akmetov concluded.

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The Territorial Defense Force – Poland’s militia for anti-hybrid warfare

by Björn Müller (Facebook / Twitter). Björn is journalist in Berlin focusing on security policy and geopolitics.

Polands defense minister Antoni Macierewicz inspecting a TDF unit during the opening of an information center for the militia at Bialystok (Photo: Robert Siemaszko / Ministry of National Defence Poland).

Polands defense minister Antoni Macierewicz inspecting a TDF unit during the opening of an information center for the militia at Bialystok (Photo: Robert Siemaszko / Ministry of National Defence Poland).

The beginning of 2017 marks the official implementation of Poland’s so called “Territorial Defense Force” (TDF; in Polish: Wojska Obrony Terytorialnej or WOT) – some kind of militia which the special purpose to enhance Poland’s defense against the scenario of a “hybrid invasion” from Russia. The new militia should also help to handle catastrophes like floodings or support the police during anti-terror-measures. Until 2019 the TDF should consits of 53.000 militiamen. That’s more than half the strength of Poland’s armed forces which have slightly more than 100.000 personnel. The new militia would be larger than Polands army which has 48.732 professional soldiers in its ranks.

The plan is to organize the TDF in 17 brigades. Every voivodeship gets its own brigade — those with the capital Warsaw two. The mass of TDF troops are volunteers, serving on the basis of six-year-treaties – Polish women and men who are willing to spend their free time beside work in the new national guard. The monthly allowance is 120 Euros for two days call-on-duty service every four weeks and the willingness to participate in snap exercises. Only the TDF leadership posts, about ten percent of the troop strength, are provided for professional soldiers.

The “magnificent twelve”
The military value of the TDF should come from its grassroots organization into twelve men troops of light infantry. The “Swiss tool” concept of this units: They collect six military capabilities (medic, pioneer, shooter, sniper, scout, radio man). Beside the commandant and its deputy as well as scout and sniper, every capability is double assigned with a experienced militia soldier and a novice, so the planning. That should make the units sustainable and lighten the training with the idea of rookies learning from veterans.

In September 20, 2016, Polands defense minister Antoni Macierewicz appointed brigadier-general Wiesław Kukuła as supreme commander of the Territorial Defence Forces Command (Photo: Robert Suchy).

In September 20, 2016, Polands defense minister Antoni Macierewicz appointed brigadier-general Wiesław Kukuła as supreme commander of the Territorial Defence Forces Command (Photo: Robert Suchy).

Those “magnificent twelve”, as TDF supreme commander brigadier-general Wiesław Kukuła labeled the concept, have three tasks in the case Poland comes under attack. First and foremost the TDF units are charged with the protection of critical infrastructure like water reservoirs, TV-stations or power plants. Their aim is it to hamper attempts of sabotage and disinformation from Russian commandos as part of a so called “hybrid invasion”. Hindering the enemy to become the “architect of the battlefield”, is the TDF part in the over-all strategy, so TDF-commander Kukuła in an interview. The second task of the TDF platoons is to support the professional army in its operations against the enemy. In the worst case of a defeat of Polands regular armed forces, the TDF is designated for a guerilla role. The net of TDF units should obstruct the establishment of administration structures from the enemy side and also “ensuring the continuity of the Polish state”, according to general Kukuła.

The TDF – really a useful military concept?
The government is selling the TDF to the Polish society as a clever way to enhance the security of the country. Because it consists mainly of volunteers it’s allegedly a cheap military force. The TDF focus on anti-hybrid warfare served the fear of a lot of Poles that Russia could start some kind of “hybrid invasion” on their country. This kind of advertisement caughts in large parts of the society. The paramilitary tradition in Poland which was often occupied during it’s history is very vivid since Russia’s capture of the Crimea 2014 and it’s undeclared war in Eastern Ukraine. Then thousands of Poles started to engage themselves in paramilitary groups to steal for battle. This enthusiasm should now fill the ranks of the TDF.

But there is also criticism. It’s questionable how realistic the threat scenario of a hybrid attack from Russia really is. The main success factor of hybrid warfare is it to have loyalists or potential supporters in the targeted country. But unlike Ukraine or the Baltic countries there are no Russian minorities or Russian affine groups in Poland. According to Jacek Bartosiak, military expert at the think tank Potomac Foundation in Warsaw, a massive conventional attack on East Poland would make more sense for Russia. The terrain there is ideal for tank warfare. A flat plain, only some clear forests and few rivers which can canalize the movement of invading troops. To stop the Russians there before they could reach Warsaw heavy armored troops would be necessary not a light infantry like the TDF.

The time-line for the build-up plan of the TDF in Polands 16 voivodeships.

The time-line for the build-up plan of the TDF in Polands 16 voivodeships.

Defense expert Jacek Bartosiak is also sceptical concerning the low costs of the TDF. “The scheduled sophisticated weapon-mix for the TDF platoons will not be cheap.” Poland’s ministry of defense plan for the TDF weaponry is ambitious. All weapon types and equipment should be new and “made in Poland”. Until now it’s not clear what the whole weapon-mix will be. The basic kit for a twelve men platoon possibly consist of Beryl 96C assault rifles, a UKM-2000P (modernized) machine gun, a sniper rifle, two 7,62 mm carbines and one grenade launcher 40 mm. On the brigade level a large number of scouting drones, MANPADS and portable anti-tank-weapons should be available. Recently the Polish Ministry of National Defence started negotiations with Łucznik-Radom firearms factory about the acquisition of several thousand Beryl assault rifles for the Territorial Defense Force.

Part of the “conservative revolution” in Poland
The TDF is a pet project of Poland’s defense minister Antoni Macierewicz and the national-conservativ government. The build-up of the new militia is not only for military reasons, it’s also part of the governments “conservative revolution” which aims to transform Poland from a liberal democracy into a more statist-authoritarian political system. The spokesman of the Ministry of National Defence, Bartłomiej Misiewicz stated towards the author: “Finally, the important task given to TDF is aiming at strengthening patriotic values that are crucial for individual’s identity and unity with region, estate and country.” Especially the next generation of army officers should preferentially start their career in the TDF before entering service in the professional armed forces.

Young army officers of the TDF swear their oath at the Higher School of Land Forces Wroclaw (Photo: Bogusław Politowski / Ministry of National Defence Poland Poland).

Young army officers of the TDF swear their oath at the Higher School of Land Forces Wroclaw (Photo: Bogusław Politowski / Ministry of National Defence Poland Poland).

Those aren’t so happy with their new brother in arms. Without raising the defense budget, the MoD will invest more than 800 million Euros in the TDF build-up until 2019. The Ministry of National Defence says that the TDF investments are structured in a way that the armed forces own armament plans won’t suffer, but no one believes that. Moreover the TDF gets a powerful standing against the regular armed forces. Beside army, navy, air force and the special forces the militia is positioned as the fifth military branch. Most important: The armed forces leadership won’t have control over the Territorial Defense Force. Instead of being placed under the umbrella of the general command like all the other military branches, the TDF has its separate command.

The stalling resistance from the old guard of officers against the important role of the TDF has been broken from defense minister Antoni Macierewicz during the last months. Nearly all opponents on flagship positions are now in early retirement. Mirosław Różański, general commander of Poland’s armed forces, “asked for resignation” at the end of last year. Normally his term would have ended in 2018. The chief of general staff Mieczysław Gocuł retired end of January 2017.

Other states, too, prepare against Russian-style hybrid warfare
Currently, they are five states (Poland, the Baltic states and Finland), who establish military forces with the principle aim to combat Russian-style hybrid warfare. In Finland, the “Readiness Force”, a newly formed branch of the army, started with training. Although, the details of the concept of the “Readiness Force” are not known yet, it made up of light infantry. It consists of conscripts drawn-in for twelve months, who get an intensified battle training. Based on the video below, it seems that the soldiers are not only trained to prevail in a Russian-style “hybrid invasion”, but for example also to combat terrorists in urban areas.

Posted in Armed Forces, Björn Müller, English, International, Poland, Security Policy | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

What’s Happening to the Rohingya in Myanmar?

by Austin Michael Bodetti. He is a student in the Gabelli Presidential Scholars Program at Boston College. He focuses on the relationship between Islam and conflict in Syria and Sudan.

In the wake of Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States and his appointment of Islamophobes to oversee national security, Muslims fear how his administration might target them. George Takei even likened their fear to his experience during World War II, when US President Franklin D. Roosevelt confined German–, Italian–, and Japanese–Americans to internment camps.

Buddhist citizens of Myanmar living in Thailand hold anti-Rohingya banners as they gather outside the Myanmar embassy in Bangkok (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters).

Buddhist citizens of Myanmar living in Thailand hold anti-Rohingya banners as they gather outside the Myanmar embassy in Bangkok (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters).

On the other side of the world in Myanmar, Muslims have lived in such camps for the past four years, and the country’s recent democratic reforms have done little to help them. In fact, it might have only opened the floodgates to Islamophobia and sectarianism. The Rohingya, Myanmar’s largest Muslim minority, live in Rakhine State. Though they have lived in the region for hundreds of years, the Myanmarese government and the Rakhine, a Buddhist ethnic group, disparage them as land-grabbing economic migrants from Bangladesh. Unlike the Rakhine, the Rohingya lack citizenship and the protections that come with it. The Myanmar Armed Forces, known as the Tatmadaw, have been arresting, displacing, executing, raping, and torturing dozens of Rohingya since an October 9, 2016 attack on camps of the border police. The Tatmadaw blames Rohingya insurgents trained by foreigners to unseat the Buddhist government.

Who are the Rohingya?
Two competing theories try to explain how the Rohingya came to Myanmar. The first claims that they are the descendants of Arab merchants who visited the Bay of Bengal a millennium ago. The second alleges that Bengalis calling themselves “Rohingya” started migrating to the region after the British Empire conquered Burma (Myanmar’s former name) in the 1800s. The truth likely lies in the middle. “A Muslim friend of mine told me that he is Rohingya but that his family did not identify itself as Rohingya because they were afraid of discrimination,” said Khin Ohmar, a leader in the Burma Partnership and the Women’s League of Burma as well as a participant in the 8888 Uprising, “while a Rakhine friend started to tell me there are no Rohingya. My opinion is that they have been there for some generations but the mainstream was not aware of them as they had always been used as scapegoats or exploited by the successive regimes in Burma for their political games and gains.”

After Britain granted Burma independence in 1948, Rohingya secessionists wanted their own Islamic state. The Tatmadaw responded with several bloody campaigns of counterinsurgency, expelling thousands of Rohingya to Bangladesh. The refugees would return from Bangladesh after the Tatmadaw withdrew, adding to a growing Rohingya population. An anti-Rohingya dictator passed the 1982 Citizenship Law to ensure that Rohingya refugees would stay gone once they left. The Citizenship Law required residents to prove their ancestry. If Rohingya failed to trace their ancestry to 1823 or earlier, the military government could deny them citizenship. “This law also targets Chinese and other minorities,” said Khin Ohmar, who has had her own difficulties with the Citizenship Law as dual citizen.

Rescue workers clean debris from a neighbourhood that was burnt during violence between Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in Sittwe, on June 16, 2012 (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters).

Rescue workers clean debris from a neighbourhood that was burnt during violence between Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in Sittwe, on June 16, 2012 (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters).

 
Why are the Rohingya living in camps?
Though a series of discriminatory laws stripped the Rohingya of their rights, they used to enjoy some equality. Mosques populated the countryside of Rakhine State. Wealthier Rohingya obtained academic degrees and owned shops in Sittwe, the state capital. Buddhists had Muslim friends. Even if institutional racism and Islamophobia continued in the decades following the Citizenship Law, most Rohingya could lead their lives with some sense of normalcy.

The possibility of peaceful coexistence ended in June 2012, when local Buddhists rioted after the purported rape of a Rakhine girl by Rohingya criminals. Rakhine torched Rohingya homes and shops in Sittwe, chasing their Muslim neighbors into the paddy fields. There, the Tatmadaw constructed camps to house up to 140 thousand Rohingya for what it claimed to be their own security. “As a result of the riots, 88 people lost their lives of which 31 people were Rakhine and 57 were Muslim Bengalis,” read a press release from the Myanmarese government on August 21, 2012. “Reviewing the above-mentioned destruction, loss of lives and injury, it is clear that it was not a case of persecution by one race to another.” Ensuing violence killed hundreds for years after.

Rohingya living outside Sittwe in the north of Rakhine State could still exercise freedom of movement to some extent, yet they faced their own forms of persecution. The Tatmadaw started enslaving the minority for free labor and sex after the 2012 violence. Myanmarese soldiers have also relocated Rohingya prisoners from the north to the Sittwe camps because of overcrowded prisons. Thousands of Rohingya have fled the camps. According to the Religious Literacy Project at Harvard Divinity School, only eight hundred thousand of the world’s 3.5 million Rohingya still live in Myanmar. Hundreds of thousands now reside in Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. Others have escaped to Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and even Australia by boat, but few have received a warm welcome. Australia and Thailand have both plotted to deport Rohingya refugees in recent years.

Between October 9 and November 23, 2016, at least 1,500 buildings in Rohingya villages in Myanmar’s Rakhine State have been destroyed, driving thousands of ethnic Rohingya from their homes. According to Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch,

Between October 9 and November 23, 2016, at least 1,500 buildings in Rohingya villages in Myanmar’s Rakhine State have been destroyed, driving thousands of ethnic Rohingya from their homes. According to Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch, “new findings refute the Burmese military and government’s claims that Rohingya militants were responsible for burning down their own villages.” (“Burma: Military Burned Villages in Rakhine State“, Human Rights Watch, 13.12.2016).

Are the Rohingya fighting back?
Unlike Muslim minorities in India, the Philippines, Russia, and Thailand, the Rohingya have by and large foregone insurgency in light of their brutal defeats in the twentieth century. That strategy nevertheless seemed to change last month, when Rakhine officials reported that Rohingya commandos had killed policemen patrolling the Bangladeshi–Myanmarese border. Though the Myanmarese government asserts that the perpetrators of the attack have cooperated with the Taliban, the Rohingya militants released a video declaring jihad against the Myanmarese government but denying affiliation with terrorist organizations. “The group of youths who are fighting back are just holding knives and sticks,” said Saeed al-Arakani, a Rohingya activist in Sittwe. “If they were in contact with Taliban, they would use big guns to fight back.” Even if the Pakistani Taliban has tried to inspire and recruit Rohingya over social media, any relationship between foreign terrorists and Rohingya insurgents seems tenuous at best. In the past, the Myanmarese government has used the specter of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, a defunct resistance movement, to imprison Rohingya civilians. “It is totally wrong and nonsensical to say that some Rohingya are working with Taliban,” said al-Arakani.

What is Myanmar’s new government doing about the Rohingya?
Activists cheered Myanmar’s November 2015 general election, which replaced the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) with the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by world-renowned human rights defender Aung San Suu Kyi. Whereas the USDP had links to a military complicit in decades of ethnic cleansing and war crimes, the NLD offered the Rohingya hope for peace and reform. Nonetheless, Suu Kyi purged Muslims from her own party prior to the elections, and she has ignored the Rohingya crisis in the past to avoid upsetting anti-Rohingya supporters, even banning the term Rohingya.

The expansion of democracy in Myanmar has empowered the Islamophobic Buddhist monks of the 969 Movement. Some have modelled themselves after the new US president (see also: “Anti-Muslim Buddhist Monk in Myanmar: Trump ‘Similar to Me’“, Associated Press, 17.11.2016). Suu Kyi has found herself in an awkward alliance with these monks and their devotees in Rakhine State. Neither the NLD nor Suu Kyi has tried to dissuade the Tatmadaw, which more or less ruled Myanmar till last year, from continuing its operations in Rakhine State. Analysts have questioned whether politicians can control a military only gaining popularity from the persecution of the Rohingya. The NLD must resolve its own Islamophobia before confronting the Rohingya crisis.

Migrants who were found at sea on a boat are repatriated across the Myanmar-Bangladesh border in the sub-township of Taung Pyo, Maungdaw, in the Myanmar state of Rakhine on June 8, 2015. Some 150 migrants found adrift in a boat off Myanmar's coast were transferred under armed guard to neighbouring Bangladesh June 8, returning them to homes and a life of grinding poverty many tried to flee months ago (Photo: Ye Aung Thu / AFP).

Migrants who were found at sea on a boat are repatriated across the Myanmar-Bangladesh border in the sub-township of Taung Pyo, Maungdaw, in the Myanmar state of Rakhine on June 8, 2015. Some 150 migrants found adrift in a boat off Myanmar’s coast were transferred under armed guard to neighbouring Bangladesh June 8, returning them to homes and a life of grinding poverty many tried to flee months ago (Photo: Ye Aung Thu / AFP).

 
Are the Rohingya experiencing genocide?
The Tatmadaw is attacking the Rohingya with a fierceness never seen under the USDP. Rohingya online communities are reporting near-daily murders and rapes. Human Rights Watch used satellite imagery to document how the Tatmadaw razed 820 buildings in Rakhine State. The Tatmadaw has killed 130 Rohingya. Thirty thousand have fled to Bangladesh. Myanmarese soldiers have begun training an anti-Rohingya Rakhine militia, which the International Commission of Jurists decried as “a recipe for disaster“. The threat to the Rohingya, meanwhile, has evolved from ethnic cleansing to genocide. Though the US government assessed that no genocide was occurring in Myanmar in May, 2016, a study by the International State Crime Initiative concluded otherwise, determining, “[t]he Rohingya face the final stages of genocide“.

The developments in Myanmar have worrisome parallels with Rwanda and Sudan, where the international community failed to predict or prevent genocidal governments. At least Rwandan and Sudanese minorities had well-armed resistance movements to defend them, though. The Myanmarese government estimates the Rohingya militants at four hundred strong. As the Tatmadaw’s crackdown has expanded to launching airstrikes on Rohingya villages and restricting humanitarian aid to them, the Rohingya can expect little help from the international community or the insurgents professing to protect them. The Western world has refocused its diplomatic, military, and political energies on the Iraqi and Syrian Civil Wars, so helping a Muslim minority accused of anti-Buddhist terrorism would gain little traction in European and North American capitals. The Rohingya have earned their (disputed) status as the most-persecuted minority on Earth.

Posted in Austin Michael Bodetti, English | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Russia’s second faux drawdown from Syria

by Paul Iddon.

On January 6, 2017 Moscow announced for the second time in less than a year that it is partially withdrawing its forces from Syria (the fist announcement was in March 2016). This time the Russians said their withdrawal would begin with the departure of Russia’s only aircraft carrier, the Admiral Kuznetsov, from Syria’s Mediterranean coast to to its home base in Severomorsk. It was a highly publicized event with the Syrian chief of staff even visiting the vessel the same day as the announcement.

On the way back, the Kuznetsov was conducting live-fire training exercises in the Mediterranean off the coast of Libya. In January 11, 2017, the Kuznetsov was visited by Libya′s military leader Khalifa Haftar who had a video conference with the Russian defence minister Sergey Shoygu while on board.

On the way back, the Kuznetsov was conducting live-fire training exercises in the Mediterranean off the coast of Libya. In January 11, 2017, the Kuznetsov was visited by Libya′s military leader Khalifa Haftar who had a video conference with the Russian defence minister Sergey Shoygu while on board (“East Libya strongman visits Russian aircraft carrier in Mediterranean“, Reuters, 11.01.2017).

Moscow claimed the withdrawal was a sign of its commitment to the Astana talks on Syria it is sponsoring in Kazakhstan. However, like their previous claim to be withdrawing in March 2016 Russia has simply rotated its forces already in Syria. The deployment of the Kuznetsov was more of a symbolic exercise for Russia. The carrier’s deployment amounted to little more than an embarrassing publicity stunt for the Russians. For one thing the carrier offloaded eight of its assumed ten Su-33s and one of its three MiG-29KUB(R)s to the Hmeimim Air Base in Latakia shortly after arrival – leading some to describe it as an aircraft courier rather than a carrier. Finally, a MiG-29KUB(R) and a Su-33 Flanker-D were lost in landing accidents. Withdrawing the Kuznetsov was never indicative of a substantial Russian drawdown.

Furthermore, last November Iran considered letting Russia use of its airbase in eastern Hamadan again (which it did for only a week last August) if the Kuznetsov were to withdrawal, though they later clarified it’s not on the agenda, only to reverse that position again twenty day later. Access to Hamadan once again would provide the Russians with a launchpad for their Tu-22 bombers, which would save them from flying these bombers all the way from Russian territory, reducing their flying time enables them to carry heavier payloads. But it has not come to that, yet: On January 21 and 23 – 25, 2017 Russian Tu-22’s were flying again from Mozdok to strike ISIS militants in the eastern Syrian city of Deir Ezzor (see video below).

On the ground in Syria there were no tangible signs that Russia was reducing its force presence or even its military activity. In mid-January, it was reported that Russia was sending six Su-24 Fencer bombers at Hmeimim airbase and replacing them with four Su-25 Frogfoot attack planes. However, satellite imagery of Hmeimim obtained by Belling Cat from October 26, 2016, January 10 and January 19, 2017, all show eleven Fencers, indicating none have yet to return home. Additionally, Israeli satellites have released images earlier this month showing SS-26 Iskander surface-to-surface missiles at Hmeimim (see imagery below). These missiles have a range of approximately 560 kilometers.

Satellite Imagery analysis by iSi intelligence experts reveals deployment of Iskandar (SS-26 “Stone”) advanced missile system vehicles as a part of the Russian deployment at Latakia airbase in Syria.

Satellite Imagery analysis by iSi intelligence experts reveals deployment of
Iskandar (SS-26 “Stone”) advanced missile system vehicles as a part of the
Russian deployment at Latakia airbase in Syria (“ISI reveals Russian Iskander Missiles Deployment in Syria“, ISI, 05.01.2017).

Russia is also continuing military operations in Syria. Negotiating a ceasefire with both Iran and Turkey ahead of the Astana talks Russian aircraft began coordinating with the Turkish air force against Islamic State (ISIS) militants in the northwestern city of al-Bab. Russia is supporting Turkish efforts there and both powers signed an agreement to coordinate airstrikes on January 12, less than a week after the announcement of the Russian drawdown.

Even in March 2016 when Russia was ostensibly withdrawing from Syria, Russian officials were careful to include a clause, that they could build-up all their forces again in a matter of hours. This time, Syria has permitted Russia to expand both its naval depot at Tartus and Hmeimim airbase in Latakia. Building up this infrastructure for its forces in Syria is hardly indicative of a Russia which intends to draw-down from Syria, on the contrary. Having this infrastructure in place would give Russia a sizable foothold in the region. Hmeimim airbase is large enough for up to 50 military aircraft. An expanded base at Tartus could also give Russia the capability to dock larger warships, giving it a larger foothold in the Mediterranean. Nevertheless,

Since intervening in Syria, Russia has demonstrated its reach by firing Kalibr missiles into Syria from the Mediterranean and Caspian Sea. As one Russian military analyst told Sputnik back in October, “If our new combat surface ships and submarines outfitted with Kalibr cruise missiles are based in Tartus, this will allow Moscow to keep the situation in the Middle East and Mediterranean under control.”

After such demonstrations of its strength and reach a more permanent Russian military presence in Syria’s west could prove to be the Kremlin’s way of showing that it has become a force in the Middle East to be reckoned with.

Posted in English, International, Paul Iddon, Russia, Sea Powers, Security Policy, Syria | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Härtetest für den Leopard 2 Panzer

von Patrick Truffer. Patrick Truffer absolviert momentan ein Masterstudiengang in Internationale Beziehungen an der Freien Universität Berlin.

Ende August 2016 startete die Türkei die Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” mit dem Ziel südlich der türkischen Grenze eine Sicherheitszone zu schaffen. Zusätzlich zum Schutz vor Kämpfern der Terrororganisation “Islamischer Staat” (IS) soll damit auch die Ausbreitung der kurdischen People’s Protection Units (YPG), welche Teil der Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) sind, westlich des Euphrats und damit langfristig ein zusammenhängendes, den ganzen nördlichen Teil Syriens umfassendes Kurdengebiet verhindert werden (Agence France-Presse, “Turkish Tanks Enter Syria to Open New Front against Islamic State“, The Telegraph, 03.09.2016). Beim Start der Operation wurde die Freie Syrische Armee (FSA) beim Vorstoss von den türkischen Streitkräften mit Luftschlägen, Artilleriefeuer und M60 Patton Kampfpanzer unterstützt. Mit zunehmenden Operationsverlauf nahm die Beteiligung der türkischen Streitkräfte zu. Seit anfangs Dezember werden in der Region der syrischen Stadt al-Bab rund 45 Leopard 2 Kampfpanzer eingesetzt. Dabei wurden möglicherweise 10 Stück von den IS-Kämpfern zerstört oder zumindest kampfuntauglich gemacht (“Leopard 2 in Syria“, Below The Turret Ring, 15. Dezember 2016). Damit wird rund um den Leopard 2 ein Unverwundbarkeitsmythos beerdigt, denn weder im Einsatz im Kosovo noch in Afghanistan kam es zu Verlusten (“Er galt als unzerstörbar: In Syrien wird ein Panzer-Mythos zerstört“, FOCUS Online, 12 January 2017). Die Frage stellt sich nun, ob der Leopard 2 in die Jahre gekommen ist und seine Schutzmassnahmen nicht mehr ausreichen? Was bedeutet dies für die in der Schweizer Armee im Einsatz stehenden Leopard 2?

Opfer einer grossen Explosion: Zwei zerstörte türkische Leopard 2 im Raum al-Bab. Die Sprengung erfolgte jedoch erst im Nachhinein, womöglich sogar durch die türkische Luftwaffe.

Opfer einer grossen Explosion: Zwei zerstörte türkische Leopard 2 im Raum al-Bab. Die Sprengung erfolgte jedoch erst im Nachhinein, womöglich sogar durch die türkische Luftwaffe. (Quelle: “Leopard 2 in Syria – part 2“, Below The Turret Ring, 21.01.2017).

 
Die Schlacht um al-Bab
Die Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” kann in vier Phasen unterteilt werden. In der ersten Phase ging es um die Einnahme und Befreiung der syrischen Grenzstadt Jarabulus. Dabei zogen sich die IS-Kämpfer weitgehend kampffrei nach al-Bab zurück (“Syria: Turkish-Backed Rebels ‘Seize’ Jarablus from ISIL“, Al Jazeera, 24.08.2016). In einer zweiten Phase nahmen im September 2016 FSA-Kämpfer zirka 55 km weiter westlich Jarabulus die syrische Grenzstadt al-Rai ein. Bereits im April und Juni versuchte die FSA al-Rai einzunehmen, scheiterten jedoch am Widerstand der IS-Kämpfer. Ende September startete die dritte Phase: Die Einnahme der symbolträchtige, aber strategisch unbedeutende syrische Kleinstadt Dabiq. Auch hier zogen sich die IS-Kämpfer ohne grossen Widerstand nach al-Bab zurück (“Syria Conflict: IS ‘Ousted from Symbolic Town of Dabiq’“, BBC News, 16.10.2016). Schliesslich Mitte Oktober startete die vierte Phase: Die Offensive zur Eroberung von al-Bab. Im Unterschied zu den vorhergehenden Phasen nahm, der Widerstand der IS-Kämpfer deutlich zu. Nachdem Vorstösse der FSA aus nördlicher Richtung gegen Ende November abgeblockt wurden, kreisten diese al-Bab zunehmend von Westen her ein, was die Offensive jedoch spürbar abbremste.
Bis in den Dezember hinein forderte die Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” je nach Quelle 9-11 türkische Panzer, wobei keine Leopard betroffen waren, das Leben von 18 türkische Soldaten und von rund 300 FSA-Kämpfern. Die Verluste stammen hauptsächlich von Kämpfen mit kurdischen Rebellen. Im Gegensatz dazu vermieden IS-Kämpfer in der Regel eine direkte Konfrontation mit den türkischen Streitkräften bzw. den FSA-Kämpfern und zogen sich nach al-Bab zurück. Al-Bab ist eine regionale Hochburg des IS und strategisch wichtig um ein weiteres Vorrücken der türkischen Streitkräfte bzw. der FSA nach al-Raqqa zu verhindern. Vermutlich veranlasste der zunehmende Widerstand des IS in al-Bab die türkischen Streitkräfte anfangs Dezember dazu, das 1. Bataillon der 2. Gepanzerten Brigade mit ihren 45 Leopard 2 in al-Bab einzusetzen (“Leopard 2 in Syria“).

Dass nun mit erheblich mehr Widerstand zu rechnen ist, zeigte sich beispielhaft am 21. Dezember 2016 – der bis jetzt blutigste Tag für die türkischen Streitkräfte welche an der Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” beteiligt sind. An diesem Tag wurden durch drei Selbstmordattentate in al-Bab 16 türkische Soldaten getötet (Selcan Hacaoglu und Firat Kozok, “Jihadists Kill 16 Troops in Turkey’s Deadliest Day in Syria“, Bloomberg.com, 21. Dezember 2016). Aufgrund von Bildaufnahmen ist es wahrscheinlich, dass dabei zwei türkische Leopard 2 von IS-Kämpfern in Besitz genommen werden konnte (Leith Fadel, “Turkish Army Offensive Takes Disastrous Turn in East Aleppo as Slain Soldiers Litter Battlefield“, AMN – Al-Masdar News, 22. Dezember 2016). Doch das ist bloss die Spitze des Eisberges: Geleakte Dokumente zeigen auf, dass das in al-Bab eingesetzte Bataillon möglicherweise bis Ende Dezember zehn seiner Leopard 2 verloren hat, was einem Kampfkraftverlust von rund 20% entspricht. Als Panzerabwehrlenkwaffe werden von kurdischen Widerstandskämpfer primär US-amerikanische TOW-2A, von IS-Kämpfern russische 9K111 Fagot (AT-4 Spigot) oder 9K135 Kornet (AT-14 Spriggan) eingesetzt (Jeff Jager, “Turkey’s Operation Euphrates Shield: An Exemplar of Joint Combined Arms Maneuver“, Small Wars Journal, 17.10.2016; “Tank Fiasco Turkey: Posted a New Photo to lost ‘Leopards’“, Latest World News, 25.12.2016).

Mögliche Verluste in al-Bab (die ursprüngliche Quelle des Dokuments ist nicht bekannt; nähere Informationen: Shoreshger, "TAF Armor Loses in Al-Bab in Recent Clashes", Reddit - Syrian Civil War, December 2016).

Mögliche Verluste in al-Bab (die ursprüngliche Quelle des Dokuments ist nicht bekannt; nähere Informationen: Shoreshger, “TAF Armor Loses in Al-Bab in Recent Clashes“, Reddit – Syrian Civil War, December 2016).

 
Der Leopard 2A4 ist als Einzelkämpfer für den Kampf in überbautem Gelände ungeeignet
Der Leopard 2 besitzt zu Unrecht einen Unverwundbarkeitsmythos. Das grundlegende Design des Panzers stammt aus den 1970er-Jahren. Ausgerichtet auf die Bedürfnisse des Kalten Kriegs wurde dieser für eine Panzerschlacht konzipiert, bei welcher der Gegner aus der Bewegung direkt angegriffen wird. Um Gewicht zu sparen und die Mobilität zu erhöhen wurde die Panzerung an Seite und Heck weniger stark ausgelegt als an Wannen- und Turmfront.

Die türkischen Streitkräfte haben mit dem von ihnen eingesetzte Variante 2A4 genau diese Schwachstellen, welche – basierend auf den Bildern einiger zerstörten türkischen Leopard – ihnen mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit zum Verhängnis wurden. Zwar könnte der 2A4 mit zusätzlicher Panzerung oder gar Aktivpanzerung ausgerüstet werden, doch dies würde den 60-Tonnen-Panzer noch schwerer machen. Die Aktivpanzerung wäre ausserdem ein nicht vertretbares Risiko für die um die Panzer eingesetzten Soldaten. Da im überbauten Gelände der Gegner nicht nur frontal, sondern aus Gebäuden heraus theoretisch von allen Seiten und von oben zuschlagen kann, ist der Leopard 2A4 in seiner Grundkonfiguration als Einzelkämpfer in überbautem Gelände nicht geeignet. Die Schwäche in der Panzerung wird erst mit dem Leopard 2A7+ behoben, welcher für den Kampf in überbautem Gelände konzipiert wurde und eine allumfassende Verbundpanzerung aufweisen soll (“Er galt als unzerstörbar“).

Zusätzlich zu den Schwächen in der Panzerung kommt hinzu, dass die türkischen Panzerformationen taktisch schlecht trainiert sind. Die Panzer werden viel zu statisch und wenig geschützt in einer sogenannten “hull-down position” bei dem der Turm aber nicht die Wanne sichtbar ist, eingesetzt, was sie für Panzerabwehrlenkwaffen zu einem leichten Ziel machen. In einem Fall wurde ein Panzer getroffen, doch die Crew des zweiten Panzers reagierte darauf nicht. Als Mittel der Feuerunterstützung sollte ein Panzer von einem gesicherten Umfeld aus eingesetzt werden. Ist dies nicht möglich, muss er im Verband mit Begleitschutz in den Flanken vorstossen – der Panzer ist primär kein Einzelkämpfer. Eine solche Einsatzdoktrin konnte bei den türkischen Streitkräften weder beim M60 noch beim Leopard 2 während der Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” beobachtet werden (“Leopard 2 in Syria“).

Quelle:

Quelle: “Leopard 2 in Syria – part 2“, Below The Turret Ring, 21.01.2017

 
Konsequenzen für die Schweizer Armee
Im aktiven Bestand der Schweizer Armee befinden sich momentan 134 Panzer 87 Leopard WE. Abgesehen von einigen die Panzerung nicht betreffenden Modifikationen handelt sich dabei um kampfwertgesteigerte Leopard 2A4. Die Kampfwertsteigerung wurde im Rüstungsprogramm 2006 beantragt und kostete 395 Millionen Schweizer Franken. Sie zielte “auf eine Verbesserung der Führungsfähigkeit der Panzerverbände und -formationen sowie auf den Erhalt einer hohen Systemverfügbarkeit ab. Sämtliche Schutzkomponenten und die autarke Waffen- und Beobachtungsstation [wurden] nicht in die Werterhaltung einbezogen.” (Schweizerischer Bundesrat, “Rüstungsprogramm 2006“, 24.05.2006). Das heisst, dass die Panzer 87 Leopard WE der Schweizer Armee die gleichen Schwachstellen der Panzerung an Seite und Heck aufweisen und somit im Alleingang ohne zusätzlichen Anpassungen nicht für den Kampf im überbauten Gelände geeignet sind. Neben Krauss-Maffei Wegmann, Rheinmetall/IBD Deisenroth bietet jedoch auch die RUAG eine aufrüstbare Zusatzpanzerung für den Leopard 2A4 an.

Fazit
Auch heute ist der Leopard 2 ein tauglicher Panzer, wenn er für den Zweck eingesetzt wird, für den er ursprünglich konzipiert wurde: eine Schlacht Panzer gegen Panzer. Die in der Türkei verwendete Variante des Leopard 2 ist jedoch nicht für den eigenständigen stationären Kampf in überbautem Gelände geeignet. Falsche Doktrin, schlecht ausgebildete Besatzung und die Schwäche in der Panzerung an der Seite und am Heck machen den Leopard 2 ein lohnendes Ziel für Panzerabwehrlenkwaffen, über welche sowohl die kurdischen Rebellen wie auch die IS-Kämpfer verfügen. Will die Schweizer Armee den Panzer 87 Leopard WE in überbautem Gelände einsetzen, ist sie gut beraten die Lehren aus dem Einsatz des Leopard 2 in der Operation “Schutzschild Euphrat” zu ziehen und die Flotte langfristig mit einer besseren Rundum-Panzerung kampfwertzusteigern.

Weitere Informationen

• • •

9K135 Kornet (AT-14 Spriggan)
Das Lenkwaffensystem 9K135 Kornet wurde Mitte der 1980er-Jahre zum Einsatz gegen Kampfpanzer wie den Leopard 2 und den M1 Abrams konzipiert und sollte die alten Systeme 9K111 Fagot (AT-4 Spigot) und 9K113 Konkurs (AT-5 Spandrel) ablösen. Die Initialversion 9M133-1 von 1994 hatte eine Monoblock-Hohlladung mit einer Referenzleistung von 1’000 mm Panzerstahl, die neuste Version 9M133-2 (Kornet-EM) verfügt über eine Tandemhohlladung mit einer Referenzleistung von 1’200+ mm Panzerstahl.

Es ist praktisch unmöglich, diese Bedrohung alleine mit passiven Schutzsystemen abzuwehren – einzig die Front eines modernen Kampfpanzerturmes verfügt über die nötige Dicke und den entsprechenden Aufbau… Man wird daher auch im Westen nicht umhinkommen, in Zukunft auf Reaktiv- und Aktivschutzsysteme umzustellen, will man den Anschluss nicht komplett verlieren!

— Bühler Stefan, C Think Tank OG Panzer.

Posted in International, Patrick Truffer, Switzerland, Syria, Technology, Turkey | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Europäische Sicherheitspolitik – zwischen Washington und Moskau

von Tilman Asmus Fischer. Er studierte Geschichte und Kulturwissenschaft an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin und ist als freier Journalist tätig

“Die Armee der Zukunft – Nationale oder europäische Aufgabe?” Unter dieser Frage stand der 25. Europäische Abend, den die Europa-Union Deutschland und der Deutsche Beamten Bund (dbb) gemeinsam mit der Vertretung der Europäischen Kommission in Deutschland am 12. Dezember 2016 im Berliner “dbb forum” veranstalteten. Bei der Erörterung des größeren Problemzusammenhangs traten ausdifferenzierte und teils konträre Positionen der parlamentarischen, administrativen und militärischen Verantwortungsträger zu Tage.

 

Impulsreferat

Staatssekretär Brauksiepe: Europäisierung nationaler Streitkräfte
Den einführenden Impulsvortrag hielt – in Vertretung der Bundesministerin der Verteidigung, Ursula von der Leyen – der Parlamentarische Staatssekretär Dr. Ralf Brauksiepe (CDU), der die Flüchtlingskrise und die anhaltenden Auseinandersetzungen in der Ukraine als zentrale gegenwärtige Herausforderungen benannte. Angesichts dieser Problemlagen erschiene die EU kaum handlungsfähig, obwohl sie über die notwendige Ausstattung verfüge: So entsprächen die Stärke der aktiven Truppen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten derjenigen der USA und die aktuellen Rüstungsausgaben denjenigen Chinas. Hingegen liege der Nachholbedarf bei einer gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik der EU, die effizient, effektiv und sichtbar sein müsse. Letztes Charakteristikum hob Brauksiepe in besonderer Weise hervor, da es gelte, in der aktuellen politischen Krise Europas durch nicht zu leugnende politische Erfolge zu überzeugen. Daher könne nur mittels einer Optimierung der gemeinsamen Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitspolitik eine allgemeine Anerkennung der EU als Friedens- und Stabilitätsprojekt erreicht werden.

Dr. Ralf Brauksiepe

Dr. Ralf Brauksiepe

Konkret ging es Brauksiepe dabei mittelfristig weniger um die Schaffung einer ueropäischen Armee als vielmehr um eine Wiederbelebung des Gedankens einer “Europäischen Verteidigungsunion” und in diesem Sinne um eine intensivierte Zusammenarbeit zwischen den EU-Mitgliedsstaaten. Entsprechende bi- und multilaterale Kooperationen (wie sie etwa zwischen Deutschland und den Beneluxstaaten etabliert sind) seien erste Schritte auf dem Weg zu größeren Projekten einer europäischen Verteidigungspolitik. Exemplarisch wies er auf die Stärkung der europäischen Säule innerhalb der NATO hin, wie sie das Bundeswehr-Weißbuch 2016 als Ziel formuliert. Dabei müsse die EU in verteidigungspolitischer Hinsicht ein komplementäres Element zur NATO darstellen und dürfe nicht zu einem kostspieligen und bürokratischen Parallelprojekt werden.

Von den Beschlüssen des Europäischen Rates zur Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik, die schließlich am 15. Dezember 2016 erfolgten, erhoffte sich Brauksiepe eine Operationalisierung europäischer Strategien in den Bereichen Logistik und Sanitätsdienst, sowie eine Erneuerung der notwendigen Finanzierungsgrundlage und eine Stärkung der Sicherheitskonzepte für die peripheren EU-Mitgliedsstaaten. Zusammenfassend sprach sich Brauksiepe zunächst für ein Beibehalten nationaler Streitkräfte, einschließlich des parlamentarischen Vorbehalts der Einzelstaaten, bei einer gleichzeitigen Europäisierung ebendieser Streitkräfte auf dem Wege einer engen Zusammenarbeit aus. Offen blieb schließlich die Frage nach einer möglichen Einbindung des Vereinigten Königreichs in die sicherheitspolitischen Strukturen Europas.

 

Podiumsdiskussion: Europäische Armee – möglich oder unmöglich?

Die an den Impulsvortrag anknüpfende Podiumsdiskussion setzte sich – moderiert von Tanja Samrotzki – mit der “Perspektive Europäische Armee” bzw. den globalen Rahmenbedingungen europäischer Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitspolitik auseinander, wobei die Diskutanten durchaus kontroverse Positionen in Einzelfragen vertraten.

Brigadegeneral Meyer zum Felde: 2014 als sicherheitspolitischen Wendepunkt
Brigadegeneral Rainer Meyer zum Felde, Leiter der Abteilung Verteidigungspolitik und Planung der Ständigen Vertretung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bei der NATO, markierte den 1. März 2014 als sicherheitspolitische Wende für Europa: Neben Krisenmanagement an der südlichen Peripherie bzw. in Afrika sei nun auch wieder Russland als potentielle Bedrohung für die östlichen EU-Staaten zu berücksichtigen. Hieraus folge die Notwendigkeit, wieder zum Rückgrat der konventionellen Bündnisverteidigung zu werden – mithin seitens der Bundeswehr Abschreckungs- und Verteidigungsfähigkeit zurückzugewinnen. Dementsprechend habe die bei den NATO-Gipfeln in Wales 2014 und Warschau 2016 demonstrierte Geschlossenheit entscheidende Konsequenzen für das Verteidigungsdispositiv.

Brigadegeneral Rainer Meyer zum Felde

Brigadegeneral Rainer Meyer zum Felde

Mit Blick auf das Verhältnis von NATO und EU verwies Meyer zum Felde auf die “seit Jahrzehnten köchelnde Diskussion über transatlantische Lastenteilung” und sprach sich gleichfalls für eine komplementäre Stellung der EU zur NATO aus, zumal die EU hinsichtlich ziviler Programme breiter aufgestellt sei als die NATO, in der es Kräfte gäbe, die einen Ausbau dieses Bereichs bremsten. Im Sinne des Rahmennationen-Konzeptes versprach er sich von einer Komplementarität, dass so Entwicklungen aus den europäischen Staaten sowohl in die EU als auch in die NATO eingebracht werden könnten. Für die generelle Entwicklung der transatlantischen Beziehungen wollte Meyer zum Felde keine zu pessimistische Diagnose abgeben: Zwar sei der Druck gewachsen, aber es sei für ihn auch eine neuerliche Hinwendung der USA zum Engagement in Europa erkennbar.

Hinsichtlich der Entstehung einer europäischen Armee erinnerte Meyer zu Felde an die lange Dauer bis zur Umsetzung der Forderungen nach einem gemeinsamen deutschen Militär von 1815, die sich erst mit Gründung der Reichswehr erfüllt habe. Für die Entstehung einer europäischen Armee käme erschwerend hinzu, dass die EU mit dem Vereinigten Königreich einen professionellen Militärstaat und eine wichtige Seemacht verloren habe.

Botschafter a.D. Kornblum: Es wird keine europäische Armee geben
John C. Kornblum, ehemaliger US-amerikanischer Botschafter Deutschland, charakterisierte Russland als Enigma bzw. als “Nation mit Hang zur Explosion” und riet zu einer Strategie, die mit Russland weder als Feind noch als Freund rechne. Dabei betonte Kornblum die Gefahr russischer Propaganda und Agitation über die neuen Medien, während Russland selbst faktisch schwach sei.

US Botschafter a.D. Kornblum

US Botschafter a.D. Kornblum

Anders als in der Einschätzung Russlands bestand hinsichtlich des von Kornblum diagnostizierten Verschleißes der sicherheitspolitischen transatlantischen Beziehungen seit Ende der 1990er-Jahre ein geringerer Konsens zwischen ihm und seinen Mitdiskutanten. Nachdem die USA über Jahrzehnte bereit gewesen seien, Europa kostenfrei zu verteidigen, seien sie nach Ende des Kalten Krieges weggestoßen worden. Dabei habe der Bosnienkrieg gezeigt, dass die Europäer nichts hätten ausrichten können, bis die USA agiert hätten. Trotz aktueller Bemühungen der NATO um eine Verschmelzung der Sicherheitspolitik der transatlantischen Partner, habe die EU begonnen, sich zu einer Konkurrenz zur NATO zu entwickeln – und sei heute strategisch so weit von den USA entfernt, wie seit 1945 nicht mehr. Dabei widersprach er Meyer zum Feldes Verweis auf eine mögliche Komplementarität hinsichtlich der breiteren Aufstellung der EU im zivilen Bereich – dieser sei bei der NATO bereits seit 1969 gegeben. Zusammengenommen erschien Kornblum der Mangel an strategischen Vorstellungen als größtes Problem Europas. Im Einklang mit seiner Analyse der transatlantischen Beziehungen kam er zu dem Schluss, dass es zwar eine engere Zusammenarbeit in Europa, jedoch keine europäische Armee geben könne – vor allem da hierfür eine gemeinsame Strategie notwendig wäre, die jedoch fehle. Neben Bosnien zog er dabei das Scheitern des niederländisch-belgischen Fregattenprogramms als Beispiel heran.

Generalleutnant van Loon: Europa muss eigene Sicherheitsinteressen realisieren
Generalleutnant Ton van Loon, ehemaliger Kommandeur des deutsch-niederländischen Korps, brachte hinsichtlich der unterschiedlichen Problemfelder auf den Punkt, dass die nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs entstandene Illusion ewigen Friedens zerstört sei. Dabei ging er über die Einschätzung Meyer zum Feldes hinaus: Afrika sei für Europa nicht mehr nur ein Ort von Kriseneinsätzen, vielmehr bedrohten die dortigen Entwicklungen unmittelbar Europas Stabilität. Nichtsdestotrotz betonte auch er die Bedrohung, die von medialer Kriegsführung ausgeht, derer sich etwa Russland bedient. Die europäische Gesellschaft müsse dieser gegenüber ihre Blauäugigkeit aufgeben – da Soldaten jenseits von Cyber Forces hiergegen nur wenig ausrichten könnten.

Generalleutnant Ton van Loon

Generalleutnant Ton van Loon

Mit Blick auf die aktuellen Herausforderungen sah van Loon in Anbetracht der “Amerika First“-Politik Europa nun vor der Herausforderung, selbst aktiv zu werden. Gewissermaßen in Einklang mit Kornblums Problemdiagnose formulierte er die Forderung, Europa müsse sich klar werden, dass es Sicherheitsinteressen habe; zu lange habe man sich aufgrund des amerikanischen Engagements zurückgelehnt. Zu einem Offenbarwerden der eigenen Sicherheitsinteressen könne dabei wohl auch beitragen, dass sich diese mit denjenigen einer Regierung Trump nicht deckten. Neben der Klärung eigener Sicherheitsinteressen forderte van Loon, endlich auch eigene Fähigkeiten aufzubauen, da die NATO bisher faktisch aus den USA bestünde. So sei die EU zwar auch in Afghanistan gewesen, habe aber im Vergleich zu den USA – auch im zivilen Bereich – nichts zu bieten gehabt. Dabei stand für ihn außer Frage, dass innerhalb der NATO europäische Fähigkeiten gebraucht würden. Als Gegenbeispiel zum gescheiterten Fregattenprogramm wies er auf die erfolgreiche Schaffung der gemeinsamen Benelux-Marine hin.

Bundestagsabgeordneter Lindner: Renaissance der EVG
Dr. Tobias Lindner (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen), Mitglied im Verteidigungsausschuss, betonte angesichts des zurecht empfundenen Bedrohungsgefühls der östlichen EU-Staaten zwar gleichfalls die hohe Bedeutung der Landesverteidigung, forderte jedoch, darüber die Fähigkeit zu Auslandseinsätzen nicht zu vernachlässigen. Dabei seien die gegenwärtigen Herausforderungen – die auch die Generierung nötiger Finanzen beträfen – zu groß und vielfältig, um sie national zu lösen. Damit knüpfte er an seine bereits 2015 gemeinsam mit Cem Özdemir vorgetragene Forderung nach einer Renaissance der 1954 gescheiterten Europäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft an (siehe hier: Marcus Seyfarth, “Vom Traum der Einheit: Die europäische Armee – Positionierung von Grünen und CDU“, offiziere.ch, 14.09.2015). Neben der Überwindung rüstungspolitischer Egoismen ging es ihm dabei auch um eine Stärkung der gemeinsamen europäischen Außenpolitik, die ihrerseits eine Voraussetzung für eine gemeinsame Verteidigungspolitik sei.

Dr. Tobias Lindner

Dr. Tobias Lindner

Hinsichtlich des Verhältnisses von EU und NATO sprach sich Lindner – im Sinne einer Komplementarität – für eine Klärung der grundsätzlichen Frage aus, welcher der beiden Akteure wo Stärken besäße. Dabei vermutete er selbst gleichfalls Europas Stärke im Zivilen. Kornblums Befürchtungen betreffs russischer Propaganda beipflichtend, markierte Lindner diese als Herausforderung und Gefahr u. a. für den anstehenden Bundestagswahlkampf. Daher sollten alle politischen Akteure gemeinsam um Faktenbezogenheit in der politischen Auseinandersetzung bemüht sein.

Wehrbeauftragter Bartels: Aufholbedarf der Bundeswehr
Der Wehrbeauftragte des Deutschen Bundestages, Hans-Peter Bartels, grenzte sich in der Gewichtung der aktuellen Konfliktlage von van Loon ab: Man könne es sich nicht aussuchen, welche Gefahr die größte sei; aktuell gelte es vor allem, zugleich Stärke und Dialogbereitschaft gegenüber Russland unter Beweis zu stellen.

Wehrbeauftragte des Deutschen Bundestages Hans-Peter Bartels,

Wehrbeauftragte des Deutschen Bundestages Hans-Peter Bartels,

Bartels markierte die bestehenden Defizite der Bundeswehr: Nicht nur, dass aktuell 14’000 Soldaten fehlten, auch bestünde Nachholbedarf hinsichtlich funktionstüchtiger Ausstattung. Diese müssten gerade auch angesichts der notwendigen Stärkung der Landesverteidigung behoben werden. Anders als Kornblum hob Bartels die Bildung von Koalitionen der Willigen jenseits der NATO – unter Beteiligung der USA – als zentrale Belastung der transatlantischen Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der Sicherheitspolitik hervor.

 

Fazit: “Das Ende des Westens”?

Abschließend bezog das Podium Position zum “Ende des Westens”, wie es Joschka Fischer am selben Tag in einem Gastbeitrag für die Süddeutsche Zeitung vorhergesagt hatte. Eine klare Absage erteilte ihm Kornblum, der das westliche als das bestes System für Frieden, Sicherheit und Wohlstand bezeichnete und Fischers Prognose als unverantwortlich verwarf. Demgegenüber versuchten die anderen Diskutanten, einzelne Überlegungen des ehemaligen Bundesaußenministers fruchtbar zu machen. So erklärte Lindner, dass offensichtlich gewisse bisherige weltpolitische Selbstverständlichkeiten nicht mehr bestünden und es nun gelte, Konsequenzen aus den aktuellen Bedrohungen zu ziehen. In diesem Sinne wollte Bartels zwar auch kein Ende des Westens, wohl aber die Notwendigkeit neuer Projekte und Antworten sehen, die der Westen brauche. Als eine entsprechende bisher ungeklärte strategische Frage stellte Meyer zum Felde den Umgang mit Krisen südlich der europäischen Peripherie heraus; anders als für den Osten, sei hier das Vorgehen noch nicht konsensual zwischen NATO und USA geklärt.

Letztlich formulierte van Loon ausgehend von der Auseinandersetzung mit Fischer, was in gewisser Weise auf die Gesamtheit der erörterten sicherheitspolitischen Herausforderungen zutrifft: “Wenn es so bleiben soll, wie es ist, müssen wir etwas dafür tun.” Hierzu zähle etwa angesichts der Flüchtlingsströme die Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen der Betroffenen vor Ort. Anknüpfend an den Adhortativ “Wir schaffen das” formulierte er die zentrale Frage nach der (sicherheits)politischen Identität Europas: “Wer sind ‘wir’?”

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UAE THAAD Site Reaches Milestone

Satellite imagery shows that the UAE Air Force and Air Defence has deployed the AN/TPY-2 radar along with its THAAD battery operating near the coast.

Satellite imagery from 16OCT16 confirms the deployment of the AN/TPY-2 Radar (Imagery: DigitalGlobe).

The UAE operationally deployed the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system for the first time in 2016, a review of imagery suggests. The U.S.-built system was co-located at a recently constructed Patriot site, positioned immediately to the south of the UAE Naval College.

The THAAD site, constructed in 2014-2015, features four hardened munitions shelters, a support area and six prepared firing positions. All launch positions have been occupied with the unit’s transporter erector launchers (or TELs) since early 2016. In the most recent imagery in Google Earth, several additional TELs have been noted in the support area.

The THAAD system—designed to intercept short-range, medium-range, and some intermediate-range ballistic missiles—works in concert with the country’s existing assets including the Patriot PAC-3s, Hawk batteries and other associated radar elements. Together, they form a multilayered missile defense network protecting population centers and critical infrastructure.

In 2011, the UAE became the first international customer to procure the advanced missile defense system as a Foreign Military Sale under the Arms Export Control Act. According to the U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency, the initial contract, estimated $1.135 billion, included 48 missiles, 9 TELs and two Radars.

Initial deliveries were made to the Middle Eastern country in late 2015. Around the same time, 81 Emirati air defenders graduated from the first foreign THAAD Operator/Maintainer course at Fort Bliss; a 2nd class graduated in May 2016.

The mobile AN/TPY-2 Radar and power unit

The same year in October, the system reached a milestone when it was observed with the X-band AN/TPY-2 fire control radar. Prior to the radar’s employment, the system was likely operational, as it’s capable of utilizing fire control cues from other deployed sensors, including those potentially linked by allies protecting the region. (Previous imagery, for example, shows various TELs on alert, with missile canisters elevated in the launch position.)

When not deployed as a fire control radar, the AN/TPY-2 can operate in “Forward Based Mode” relaying tracking and IFF data to remote missile defense systems.  However, switching between the two modes can take up to 8 hours. (A discussion of the radar’s ranges in both modes as publicly reported, can be found here.)

In total, a THAAD battery consists of six truck-mounted M1075 launchers, 48 interceptors (8 per launcher), a THAAD Fire Control and Communications (TFCC) unit aka Tactical Station Group (TSG), and one AN/TPY-2 radar. The truck platform used for THAAD is the Oshkosh M1120 HEMTT LHS.

Outside of the UAE, the U.S. Army has deployed a battery to the U.S. territory of Guam and has plans to setup a THAAD site in South Korea. A Qatari order was also in the works but has since been delayed due to the country’s declining hydrocarbon revenue.

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